Ireland’s dependency on security is a permanent condition, and if the country cannot secure its own skies during an EU Presidency, it implicitly leans on others such as NATO states, neighbouring air forces, or ad‑hoc assistance. That’s not co-operation, that’s dependency, which over time becomes a strategic vulnerability, writes Independent Senator Gerard Craughwell.
I’m fortunate to have advisors with granular knowledge and lived experience of national and international affairs, particularly in the realm of security, defence, international treaties/conventions, minority and human rights, the law of armed conflict, but most especially the duties and obligations of countries that declare themselves to be sovereign and neutral. Central to those responsibilities is national resilience across a broad spectrum.
The Montevideo Convention was nested in the 7th International Conference of American States, signed on 26 December 1933. It became operational on 26 December 1934, established the standard definition of a sovereign state in Customary International Law. Crucially, for newly independent Ireland, it was registered in the League of Nations Treaty Series on 8 January 1936. Ireland was wedded to the League of Nations and was an enthusiastic and committed member prior to its demise.
Article One of the Convention notes: “The state as a person of international law should possess the following qualification: (a) a permanent population; (b) a defined territory; (c) government; and (d) capacity to enter into relations with other states”. Further on at Article 3 it states, “inter alia…. the state has the right to defend its integrity and independence, to provide for its conservation and prosperity, and consequently to organise itself as it sees fit……”.
As a consequence, it is obligatory for states to control its borders on land, at sea, and in the air. Ireland does not have the ability to do so. By extension, Ireland is an Independent State, but it is most certainly doesn’t qualify as a Sovereign State.
Nor is it a neutral state as defined in the Hague Conventions, 1907, where the duties and obligations of states who declare neutrality are codified in Customary International Law. Ireland needs to urgently read the 1933 Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States.
NO ANTI-DRONE CAPABILITIES
On RTE’s ‘PRIMETIME’ programme on 3 February, Neale Redmond TD, Minister of State for International Development and Diaspora, debated with former Independent TD Cathal Berry on Ireland’s resilience in anti-drone defence currently, with a particular focus on protecting our major airports and airfields in advance of hosting the EU Presidency from July to December 2026.
It transpired to being a no-contest, much like “a penalty kick without a goalkeeper” for the Army Ranger Wing veteran Berry against a novice like Richmond, reading from a prepared script given him most likely by amateurish mandarins in the Department of Defence with the shallowest knowledge of such matters.
Richmond suggested there was leading-edge anti-drone operational capability at Dublin Airport. There is no such capability there. However, what’s there is a low-level kit which hasn’t been stress tested in credible no-warning exercises overseen by seasoned veterans in operational drone technology.
Furthermore, Richmond erroneously cited Ireland was spending €19m acquiring leading-edge anti-drone equipment in advance of our EU Presidency for our airports. What he didn’t know, but was politely informed by Cathal Berry, was that this €19m was for equipment at Casement Aerodrome Baldonnel solely, and this was not mobile. Dublin, Shannon, Cork and Knock airports will not have adequate ant-drone capability anytime soon.
